GOODRICK CLARKE BLACK SUN PDF

Request Exam or Desk Copy. Uncovers the mindset and motives that drive far-right extremists More than half a century after the defeat of Nazism and fascism, the far right is again challenging the liberal order of Western democracies. Radical movements are feeding on anxiety about immigration, globalization and the refugee crisis, giving rise to new waves of nationalism and surges of white supremacism. A curious mixture of Aristocratic paganism, anti-Semitic demonology, Eastern philosophies and the occult is influencing populist antigovernment sentiment and helping to exploit the widespread fear that invisible elites are shaping world events.

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Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. Uncovers the mindset and motives that drive far-right extremists More than half a century after the defeat of Nazism and fascism, the far right is again challenging the liberal order of Western democracies.

Radical movements are feeding on anxiety about immigration, globalization and the refugee crisis, giving rise to new waves of nationalism and surges of white supremacis Uncovers the mindset and motives that drive far-right extremists More than half a century after the defeat of Nazism and fascism, the far right is again challenging the liberal order of Western democracies. Radical movements are feeding on anxiety about immigration, globalization and the refugee crisis, giving rise to new waves of nationalism and surges of white supremacism.

A curious mixture of Aristocratic paganism, anti-Semitic demonology, Eastern philosophies and the occult is influencing populist antigovernment sentiment and helping to exploit the widespread fear that invisible elites are shaping world events. Black Sun examines this neofascist ideology, showing how hate groups, militias and conspiracy cults gain influence.

Based on interviews and extensive research into underground groups, the book documents new Nazi and fascist sects that have sprung up since the s and examines the mentality and motivation of these far-right extremists.

The result is a detailed, grounded portrait of the mythical and devotional aspects of Hitler cults among Aryan mystics, racist skinheads and Nazi satanists, and disciples of heavy metal music and occult literature. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke offers a unique perspective on far right neo-Nazism viewing it as a new form of Western religious heresy. He paints a frightening picture of a religion with its own relics, rituals, prophecies and an international sectarian following that could, under the proper conditions, gain political power and attempt to realize its dangerous millenarian fantasies.

Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. More Details Original Title. Other Editions 8. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Black Sun , please sign up. Lists with This Book. Community Reviews. Showing Average rating 3. Rating details. Sort order. Jul 31, Tim Pendry rated it it was amazing Shelves: dark-fantasy , decadent , political-philosophy , esoteric , north-american , five-star , science-fiction , history , popular-culture , modern-european.

The death of Nicholas Goodrick-Clark last year deprived us of an important historian of political irrationalism.

Unlike many others in the field, he neither accepted irrational claims as anything other than fictions nor allowed himself the luxury of huffing and puffing about their presumed evil in a liberal society. He simply told the story and expressed, with discretion pages legitimate concerns about the course of events if these cruel and stupid irrationalisms had their ground The death of Nicholas Goodrick-Clark last year deprived us of an important historian of political irrationalism.

He simply told the story and expressed, with discretion pages legitimate concerns about the course of events if these cruel and stupid irrationalisms had their ground watered for them by our own cultural stubbornness. He was evidence-based and measured.

This got him direct access to some of the key figures who espoused the ideologies covered in this remarkably useful book - political racism, esoteric national socialism and white identity politics. What he writes rings true as a result. The book was written in and published in so his death holds the additional tragedy for us that he was never able to bring matters up to date in a Second Edition.

His judgments are cautious and wise but he may have revised opinions about a moving political feast. Each chapter is a fact-based essay in a different aspect of Far Right politics within the West with only passing reference to other theatres. He begins by covering national socialism essentially radical extremist conservatism in the US and the shifting sands of the British Far Right in the face of immigration and multiculturalism. He then moves on to review the influence of particular Far Right 'intellectuals' - Julius Evola, Francis Parker Yockey and Savitri Devi on whom he had already written a book - before moving on to the post-war construction of an association between the Nazis and the occult.

The next set of sections look at the myth of the esoteric SS, those surrounding Nazi UFOs and other extraterrestrial links and the very peculiar figure of Miguel Serrano who was not alone in merging South Asian ideas with the Nazi mythos. Goodrick-Clark then reviews the two cultural phenomena of black metal and racist rock music and Nazi satanism and transgressional spirituality before coming full circle and returning to politics.

The book closes with reviews of Christian Identity and its 'allied opposite' racial paganism. The final chapter looks at a cultural phenomenon of considerable importance in the s - the overlap of conspiracy theory, new age cultural pessimism and far right ideology. What do we learn from all this and how might Goodrick-Clark have adapted his analysis in the wake of the crisis.

Naturally, I cannot speak for him so these are just some lines of thought for others to follow and accept or reject. The first thing we learn is the startling absurdity of much Far Right thought. We can leave you to read his extended accounts of extremist theory in the book for the evidence of that statement. Where it is logical, Radical Rightist theory is always based on 'essentialist' philosophical assumptions that bear little scrutiny although they may be no more absurd just 'nastier' and more anti-social than other 'spiritual' traditions.

Too often, radical right ideology is simply auto-didactically stupid. Even the most cogent analyses are based on a clear misreading of Nietzsche to the extent that almost every claim to the mantle of Nietszche is, in fact, merely a variation on the 'ressentiment' that the great philosopher excoriated in the desert religions.

Perhaps the only thinker capable of getting beyond absurdity to the first rank was Evola and even he sunk into the sort of mythologising that may have worked in the age of Jung and Spengler but scarcely cuts the mustard today.

But the second thing we learn is that these theories are perhaps intellectually absurd but they represent a genuine political problem that the liberal community has swept under the carpet for far too long.

Even in , there was a growing resentment, which I think had more justification to it than liberals are prepared to admit, that the white working class in general and white males in particular were somehow personally guilty for the crimes of the past. It would seem that it was convenient for imperialism and capitalism to be expiated by the profiting middle classes through an offering to the gods of political correctness of their own underlings.

Like the Aztecs with bodies, the Western high bourgeoisie has offered a hecatombs of souls in order to rewrite cultural norms in a way that will sustain their power. Of course, the souls they offer are never their own. One class of poor has simply been brought in to replace another as favoured grunts of the system.

We have a combination of invented history, a surge of immigration tolerated by the middle classes to drive down wages and solve the 'servant problem', and active cultural engineering behind affirmative action and multiculturalism. The result is the growth of a cynical and aggressive political class, an alliance of liberals social and economic and block minority votes that has created the atomised and unorganised opposition outlined in this book, waiting for its time in the sun.

American culture knows it has a problem. Whether produced by Spielberg or JJ Abrams, the tone is one of liberal fear at complete social breakdown and each series questions how far the liberal is going to have to work with some rough-hewn Okie with a heart of gold if he is going to survive.

It is all subliminal, of course, but it is there. The most intelligent of the liberal elite knows that things have gone too far, wants to step back and include the new excluded but doesn't know how. Meanwhile, the cult of San Muerte appears in the American prison system and hispanic, black and aryan brotherhoods may find they have more in common with each other than they do with the federal government that posits itself as last line of defence between the 'nice' middle class and brutal chaos.

If divide and conquer ends, that class is stuffed. From being a majority in society in the US, the white working class has felt itself under enormous economic and cultural pressure. The Far Right emerged as the element that said what it was not permitted to say within what amounted, ironically, to a liberal totalitarian culture dominated by the educated. The educated, of course, are now under their own pressure from the internet. The steady pauperisation of the privileged knowledge worker will be the grand factor underpinning the politics of the first half of this century The situation is not quite the same in the UK and Europe where the perceived 'threat' is feared rather than actual.

It centres perhaps more on the denial of particular national and tribal feeling and the 'unfair' tolerance of alien tribes in the cause of universalism and equality. But the scale of the potential for the active politics of resentment is probably hidden by the incompetence of the Far Right itself. Its language of national socialism, its thuggery and its intellectual stupidity have all alienated the population at large which is basically tolerant and decent.

It has allowed 'liberal' middle class hegemony a length of life that it probably does not deserve. Indeed, in the UK, the 'Sun' has probably done more for the survival of liberal democracy in the UK than any single force simply because it articulates national feeling and diffuses the anger. If you want a Rightist revolution in the UK, all you have to do is force the removal of 'Page 3' from the paper and please the tiny minority of religious loons and feministas. Certainly, the BNP's electoral results were derisory.

However, a cynical or inspired person could work through this book, sweep away the nonsense, come up with an inspired radical conservatism that did not mention Hitler, flying saucers or race once as truly irrelevant and cause serious problems to the complacent hegemony of the political elite. Fortunately for liberal democracy, there is not a thinker in this book that 'gets' what is happening.

A change is beginning to happen in the wake of the economic crisis - but not the predicted one. Even Die Linke in Germany is developing a 'German workers first' strategy while the Italian Right and East European populist parties teeter between interwar fascism and bloody-minded populism. The Far Right has failed simply because it is stupid. The populist Right which treats race as irrelevant but takes culture seriously and emphasises the rights of the individual over the rights of the collective is not.

This shift is recent. The global economic crisis was not something that Goodrick-Clarke was in a position to analyse a decade ago. The conspiracy theory obsessions of the s staggered along through the s but merely made Occupy a laughing stock amongst serious radicals of the Left and Right.

A new game is afoot. The New Age generation of irrational thinkers are moving inexorably towards the grave. Their successors are pragmatists whose prime concern is not maniacal amoral hysterical violence but a cultural resistance that is sustainable and that does not need the nightmare of a strong state.

History has also taught us that Hitler was far less demonic, far less interesting and far more incompetent than the 'romantics' of the second half of the twentieth century had liked to think. He was not the 'avatar' but simply a source of memes for political culture. The final degeneration of the Nazi cult of Serrano lies in the disappointing Euro-comedy 'Iron Sky' and the far from disappointing use of the meme in films like Hollywood's 'Hell Boy'.

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Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity

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Black Sun : Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity

More than half a century after the defeat of Nazism and fascism, the far right is again challenging the liberal order of Western democracies. Radical movements are feeding on anxiety about economic globalization, affirmative action, and third-world immigration, flashpoint issues to many traditional groups in multicultural societies. A curious mixture of Aristocratic paganism, anti-Semitic demonology, Eastern philosophies and the occult is influencing populist antigovernment sentiment and helping to exploit the widespread fear that invisible elites are shaping world events. Black Sun examines the new neofascist ideology, showing how hate groups, militias and conspiracy cults attempt to gain influence.

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